Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly-Vanadzor

Were the current national legislative representatives elected through free and fair elections? 2/4

The National Assembly consists of a minimum of 101 members elected for five-year terms under a closed-list proportional representation system. Up to four additional seats are reserved for ethnic minority representatives, and further seats can be added to ensure that opposition parties hold at least 30 percent of the seats.

In the June 2021 snap elections, three party groups won representation. Pashinyan’s Civil Contract secured 53.9 percent of the vote and a stable majority of 71 seats. The new Armenia Alliance, led by former President Robert Kocharyan, took 21.1 percent of the vote and 29 seats. Another new bloc, the I Have Honor Alliance, founded by former President Serzh Sargsyan (unrelated to Armen Sargsyan), won 5.2 percent of the vote and 7 seats, though one representative left the group to become an independent lawmaker. While party alliances are required to meet a 7 percent electoral threshold, the threshold was waived for Sargsyan’s alliance, as Armenian law requires a minimum of three party groups in the legislature.

Local and international observers deemed the elections to be competitive, well-organized, and fairly administered, though there were some irregularities.

In November 2024, the prime minister asked two Civil Contract lawmakers, Narek Zeynalyan and Hovik Aghazaryan, to step down. Zeynalyan complied, but after Aghazaryan refused, he was expelled from the party, as was another member of parliament who supported him. Aghazaryan later faced a criminal investigation for allegedly disclosing state secrets.

Fourteen political forces took part in elections for the Yerevan municipal council in September 2023, which drew a turnout of only 28.4 percent of eligible voters. The domestic monitoring group Independent Observer found that while there were “massive abuses of administrative resources” during and before the campaign, voters were generally free in expressing their electoral will. The group also recorded instances of unauthorized individuals in voting rooms, violations of voting confidentiality, “directing voters,” and violation of the rights of observers or media representatives. Subsequent media investigations found possible evidence of illegal financing for the ruling party’s election campaign.

Are the electoral laws and framework fair, and are they implemented impartially by the relevant election management bodies?  3/4

Members of the Central Election Commission (CEC) are recommended and then confirmed by the parliament for six-year terms. According to international observers, the CEC conducted its work in a transparent and efficient manner during the June 2021 parliamentary elections. In October 2022, Vahagn Hovakimyan, a member of the ruling party, was elected head of the CEC, drawing concerns from civil society groups about the body’s independence and neutrality.

An April 2021 reform introduced a simple proportional electoral system based on a nationwide constituency, and the June elections were held under the new system. In May 2023, the government proposed new amendments to the electoral code. The Venice Commission and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe in a joint report called the frequency of electoral legislation amendments “striking” and expressed regrets that not all prior reform recommendations had been addressed.

B. Political Pluralism and Participation

Do the people have the right to organize in different political parties or other competitive political groupings of their choice, and is the system free of undue obstacles to the rise and fall of these competing parties or groupings?   3/4

Political parties and opposition groups have been able to operate in a much freer environment since 2018. In January 2021, amendments to the Law on Parties took effect, capping individual donations and tying public funding to a party’s geographical reach and the degree of gender parity in its leadership.

An unprecedented number of political entities—22 political parties and four alliances—took part in the June 2021 parliamentary elections.

Is there a realistic opportunity for the opposition to increase its support or gain power through elections?  3/4

Elections have become significantly more competitive since 2018, allowing for opposition gains. However, opposition parties have sometimes encountered procedural barriers and the threat of criminal prosecution in recent years.

In the September 2023 Yerevan municipal council elections, the opposition National Progress party and Mother Armenia alliance received approximately 19 percent and 15 percent of the votes, respectively, with the ruling Civil Contract party securing only 32.5 percent. However, in February 2024, the ruling party initiated a procedure that ousted the leader of National Progress—former Mayor Hayk Marutyan—and two other opposition members from the council, citing their repeated absences. Marutyan argued that he had been intentionally boycotting the sessions and labeled his ouster “politically motivated.” Three other opposition members were removed from the council on the same grounds in September.

In October 2024, the opposition mayor of Gyumri, Armenia’s second-largest city, and all members of his Balasanyan Alliance in the city council resigned after a criminal case was launched against senior party figure and former Mayor Samvel Balasanyan and his family. The resignations came less than a year after Civil Contract canceled its 2021 cooperation agreement on shared city governance with the Balasanyan bloc. With snap city council elections set for early 2025, Prime Minister Pashinyan appointed an acting mayor after holding a limited Civil Contract primary election in December. The opposition criticized the move as an effort to preempt the council elections.

Are the people’s political choices free from domination by forces that are external to the political sphere, or by political forces that employ extrapolitical means?  2/4

In 2021, the parliament set heavier penalties for vote buying, election-related violence, and disruption of the electoral process. Lawmakers also criminalized the obstruction of preelection campaign activities. Though that year’s parliamentary elections featured a decline in such practices, international observers continued to report allegations, including isolated incidents of vote buying and the misuse of administrative resources.

Independent Observer said that no outright voter bribery took place during the 2023 election campaign for the Yerevan municipal council, but noted several cases of voters being offered items or services by various parties.

Do various segments of the population (including ethnic, racial, religious, gender, LGBT+, and other relevant groups) have full political rights and electoral opportunities? 2/4

Citizens formally enjoy equal political rights regardless of gender or ethnicity. However, women remain underrepresented in politics and government, and most parties do little to address women’s political interests aside from meeting a legal gender quota on their candidate lists. Due to persistent societal discrimination and political marginalization, no openly LGBT+ people have run in elections or been appointed to a public office in Armenia.

A system introduced as part of 2015 constitutional reforms mandates the inclusion of up to four members of parliament representing ethnic minority groups; all four must be elected on a party list. In 2021, the Civil Contract party won the three seats representing ethnic Russians, Yazidis, and Kurds, while the Armenia Alliance won the seat representing ethnic Assyrians.

C. Functioning of Government

Do the freely elected head of government and national legislative representatives determine the policies of the government?  2/4

The Civil Contract party, which won a significant parliamentary majority through competitive elections, effectively controls government policy and legislation. Although Prime Minister Pashinyan promised to reduce the influence of business interests over policymaking, two powerful businessmen entered the parliament on his party list, and one of them was appointed as Armenia’s ambassador to Russia in August 2024. Some opposition lawmakers also maintain close ties to influential businesspeople.

Armenian authorities have been diversifying their international security partnerships to reduce dependence on Russia, particularly since Azerbaijani forces conquered Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023 despite the presence of Russian troops tasked with maintaining a 2020 cease-fire agreement. During 2024, the Armenian government negotiated the withdrawal of Russian military and border guard forces from several Armenian provinces where they had been deployed after the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, as well as from the Iranian border. Russian border guards also left Yerevan’s Zvartnots Airport, where they had been stationed since 1992. In February, Armenia froze its membership in the Russian-led CSTO; no Armenian officials took part in the organization’s sessions during the year.

Despite these moves, Armenia’s economy and significant components of its national infrastructure, including railroads and energy suppliers, remained dependent on Russia, allowing Moscow to retain influence over policymaking.

Also during 2024, Armenia faced continued territorial pressure from Baku. In April, the government reached agreement on a border delimitation process with Azerbaijan and subsequently transferred four pieces of territory in Tavush Province to Azerbaijani control in May.

Are safeguards against official corruption strong and effective?  2/4

Relationships between politicians, public servants, and businesspeople have historically influenced policy and contributed to selective application of the law. High-level government officials from the ruling party are rarely investigated despite clear evidence of improper uses of their office. In February 2024, Economy Minister Vahan Kerobyan resigned after being charged with abuse of office for allegedly manipulating procurement decisions. In May, the state-owned Armenian National Interests Fund, which was managed by the Economy Ministry, was dissolved amid further accusations of corruption, though a related criminal investigation had reportedly made little progress by year’s end.

Anticorruption bodies have themselves come under scrutiny for apparent dysfunction and possible irregularities. In 2023 and 2024, for example, media reports revealed significant corruption risks in the asset declarations and other credentials of judges on the Anti-Corruption Court. Sasun Khachatryan resigned as head of the Anti-Corruption Committee in November 2024 at the prime minister’s request, and only one candidate was named to replace him, raising doubts about the integrity of what was meant to be a competitive selection process. The parliament also struggled to fill vacancies on the Commission to Prevent Corruption, electing one new member in December 2024 but failing to install a permanent chairperson. Separately, media reports during the year highlighted the extremely slow pace of court cases involving the confiscation of illegally obtained assets.

Does the government operate with openness and transparency?  2/4

Transparency has historically been limited, and enforcement of procurement safeguards and asset-declaration rules for public officials has been weak. Civil society experts identified a number of flaws and allegedly regressive features in draft legislation on freedom of information that the government released in February 2024, after an earlier round of comment and revision.

The Committee to Protect Freedom of Expression (CPFE) reported a pattern of incomplete, delayed, or denied government responses to journalists’ requests for information during 2024. Another watchdog organization, the Freedom of Information Center, similarly highlighted incomplete or generic responses as a major challenge, alongside state bodies’ discrimination among different outlets and unlawful demands to justify information requests.

Media reports in recent years have cited an increase in closed or classified government proceedings and a paucity of regular press conferences by government leaders.

Are individuals free to practice and express their religious faith or nonbelief in public and private?   2/4

Article 18 of the constitution recognizes the Armenian Apostolic Church as a “national church” responsible for the preservation of Armenian national identity; more than 97 percent of the population identifies as Armenian Apostolic. Members of religious minority groups have reported some discrimination in the past.

In 2020, the National Security Service opened an investigation into Yazidi activist Sashik Sultanyan after he publicly stated that Yazidis experience discrimination in Armenia; international human rights groups criticized the investigation as retaliatory and unlawful. The case was suspended when Sultanyan left the country in 2022, reportedly due to threats from police.

Is there academic freedom, and is the educational system free from extensive political indoctrination?   2/4

Although the constitution protects academic freedom, administrative and accreditation processes remain open to political influence. The government is empowered to appoint most members of the boards of trustees for three of the country’s leading state universities, enabling a degree of state control over their key decisions and senior leadership. There is some self-censorship among academics on politically sensitive subjects. In September 2024, the government proposed draft legislation that would bar university leaders from being political party members and require them to demonstrate political neutrality.

Are individuals free to express their personal views on political or other sensitive topics without fear of surveillance or retribution?   3/4

Private discussion is relatively free and vibrant. The law prohibits wiretapping or other electronic surveillance without judicial approval, though the judiciary lacks independence and has been accused of excessive deference to law enforcement agencies requesting consent.

In June 2024, the parliament granted initial approval to a draft law that would require businesses to install surveillance cameras and provide police with round-the-clock access to the camera feeds. Following criticism from both local and international watchdogs over privacy concerns, the government said in November that it would suspend the legislative project.

According to a January 2024 media report, nearly 95 percent of court cases concerning incitement to violence under a 2020 criminal code amendment had involved alleged threats against Prime Minister Pashinyan and his supporters, whereas potentially prohibited statements by ruling party members were apparently not subject to the same scrutiny.

E. Associational and Organizational Rights

Is there freedom of assembly?  3/4

The right to assemble is legally guaranteed but inconsistently upheld in practice.

Protesters held a series of antigovernment demonstrations beginning in April 2024, when the Armenian government announced plans to hand over territory to Azerbaijan as a result of the border delimitation process. Hundreds of people were arrested during the first two months of protests, and police reportedly used excessive force in a number of cases. On June 12, clashes broke out between police and demonstrators outside the parliament building, just as Pashinyan was due to address lawmakers. Police used powerful stun grenades in an unprecedented manner, contributing to the injuries of more than 100 people. A similar number of people were arrested.

Is there freedom for nongovernmental organizations, particularly those that are engaged in human rights– and governance-related work?    3/4

A variety of outspoken nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) operate in Armenia, and most are based in Yerevan. These NGOs lack significant local funding. Civic groups regularly consult with the government on policy matters, most notably on electoral, constitutional, and anticorruption reforms.

Since the 2023 exodus of ethnic Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh, organizations that had been based there, such as Hub Artsakh and Stepanakert Press Club, have been operating freely in Armenia. Meanwhile, new NGOs that were founded after the 2020 war have focused on addressing the humanitarian or legal needs of refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh.

Is there freedom for trade unions and similar professional or labor organizations?  2/4

The law protects the rights of workers to form and join independent unions, strike, and engage in collective bargaining. However, these protections are not well enforced, and employers are generally able to block union activity in practice.

F. Rule of Law

Is there an independent judiciary?   1/4 

The courts face systemic political influence, and judicial institutions are undermined by corruption. Judges reportedly feel pressure to work with prosecutors to convict defendants, and acquittal rates are extremely low.

In 2022, Karen Andreasyan, the former justice minister and a member of the ruling party, was elected to lead the SJC, a decision that was widely perceived as politically driven. In late 2024, Andreasyan joined five other high-ranking officials in resigning at Pashinyan’s request. Experts argued that this action violated constitutional principles and undermined judicial independence.

Also during 2024, the SJC continued its practice of suspending judges involved in politically sensitive cases, adding to the perception that disciplinary measures were being misused to influence judicial decisions. Separately, the NGO Protection of Rights Without Borders criticized the use of a special procedure for appointing judges to vacant posts in recent years, noting that it bypassed a required period of study at the country’s Academy of Justice and had been employed to install judges with political connections.

Does due process prevail in civil and criminal matters?   1/4 

Authorities apply the law selectively, and due process is not guaranteed in civil or criminal cases. Lengthy pretrial detention remains a problem.

A series of high-profile cases involving elite members of the Republican Party of Armenia (HHK)—which ruled the country prior to 2018—have stretched on for years, generally without convictions. In September 2023, a criminal case initiated against former President Serzh Sargsyan for alleged waste of public funds was dismissed. In December of that year, after a four-year trial, a corruption prosecution against former President Robert Kocharyan was halted when a judge agreed with a petition arguing that the statute of limitations had expired. In September 2024, the Court of Cassation reversed the 2021 acquittal of Kocharyan and his allies in a separate case related to 2008 postelection violence, referring the matter back to a lower court for a new trial.

 Is there protection from the illegitimate use of physical force and freedom from war and insurgencies?  1/4 

Media reports and investigations by the Council of Europe’s European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT) have pointed to police abuse of detainees during arrest or at police stations. The CPT has documented fewer instances of physical ill-treatment or violence in prison facilities in recent years, though poor conditions in some prisons persist.

Deaths of military service members outside of combat situations are a growing problem, with many deaths attributed to murder, suicide, or hazing. The Helsinki Citizens’ Assembly Vanadzor Office, an NGO, found that there were 436 such deaths between 2018 and 2023, representing a 29 percent rise from the preceding six years. At least 27 noncombat fatalities were registered between January and September 2024.

Security conditions in areas adjacent to Azerbaijan and Nagorno-Karabakh deteriorated following the 2020 military conflict. After large-scale military clashes along the Armenian-Azerbaijani border in 2022, Azerbaijani forces on Armenian territory moved closer to Armenian villages. The Center for Truth and Justice reported in 2023 that a number of Armenian civilians had been taken hostage by Azerbaijani forces within the borders of Armenia, and that some may be in Azerbaijani jails, where they are at risk of torture. Sporadic shooting by the Azerbaijani military was reported in border areas throughout 2023. While some incidents were also reported during 2024, the year was relatively quiet as Yerevan and Baku proceeded with border delimitation and demarcation efforts.

Do laws, policies, and practices guarantee equal treatment of various segments of the population?  2/4  

Are individuals able to exercise the right to own property and establish private businesses without undue interference from state or nonstate actors?  3/4 

Armenian law generally protects property rights. Economic diversification and simpler regulations have increased the ease of doing business in recent years.

Livestock farming and agricultural work in Syunik and Gegharkunik Provinces have become more difficult for security reasons since 2020, with economic activity disrupted in the fields and pastures located near Azerbaijani military positions. In June 2023, Azerbaijani forces fired repeatedly at a metallurgical plant being constructed in Yeraskh, leading the plant’s backers to move it away from the border.

Owners of property that was transferred to Azerbaijani control as part of the border delimitation process in 2024 could apply for financial compensation, but the government did not reveal the amounts provided, prompting human rights advocates to question whether the compensation was fair or proportional.

Do individuals enjoy personal social freedoms, including choice of marriage partner and size of family, protection from domestic violence, and control over appearance?  2/4

While residents are generally free to make decisions about marriage, divorce, and other personal status matters, the constitution defines marriage as a union between a man and a woman, precluding same-sex marriage. Domestic violence is common and not effectively prosecuted, and services for victims are inadequate. Following two years of discussions, the parliament enacted amendments to the domestic violence law in April 2024. The revision eliminated the term “family harmony,” expanded the definition of domestic violence to include additional forms of abuse, and replaced the term “spouse” with “intimate partner” to encompass relationships other than marriage. The new law came into effect in July and was generally welcomed by local advocates.

Do individuals enjoy equality of opportunity and freedom from economic exploitation?  2/4

Legal protections against exploitative or dangerous working conditions are poorly enforced, and about half of workers are employed in the informal sector, where they may be more exposed to such conditions. Armenians are subjected to sex and labor trafficking abroad, and some children in the country work in agriculture and other sectors. Children residing in care institutions face a particularly heightened risk of trafficking. The US State Department reported in 2024 that the government did not fully meet the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking but was making increasing efforts; it noted that the government and law enforcement officials still lacked victim-centered policies and approaches. Media reports during 2024 highlighted the trafficking of Indian nationals to Armenia for labor exploitation.